The history of India : as told by its own historians. Volume II/II. Tarikh Yamini of Utbi
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Sir H. M. Elliot
Edited by John Dowson
1867
Volume II: To the Year A.D. 1260
II. Táríkh Yamíní or Kitábu-l Yamíní of Al-'UtbíIntroduction
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1 [The author of this celebrated, work was named Abú Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al Jabbáru-l 'Utbi. He was a member of the family of 'Utba, which held important offices under the Samanis, and he himself was Secretary to Sultan Mahmud, so that he enjoyed excellent opportunities of becoming fully acquainted with the operations of that conqueror. His work comprises the whole of the reign of Nasiru-d din Sabuktigin, and part of that of Mahmud, down to the year 410 Hijra (1020 A.D.) The author would appear to have lived a few years later than this, as he records an event as happening in 420 Hijra,2 but the interest of his work ceases with the year 410.]
[Though holding an appointment near the person of Mahmud, he does not seem to have accompanied him in his expeditions, for he evidently had no knowledge of the topography of India, and his statements in respect of localities are of little authority. He never mentions Lahore or Dehli, and with the exception of
1. [This article has been compiled, for the most part, from Sir H. Elliot's rough notes and memoranda.] '
2. [Reynolds Translation, -474.]
[p.15] the title Rai, no Hindi word is found in his pages. In dates he is deficient, and far from precise.]
[There are several Persian translations of this work, which bear the title of Tarjuma-i Yamini. The most ancient of these is that of Abu-l Sharaf Jarbádkání, or Jarbázkání, which was made in 582 Hijri, or 1186 A.D. This version is very rarely met with in India, but it has been rendered into English by the Rev. J. Reynolds, and published under the auspices of the Oriental Translation Fund (London, 1858). Another version is the modern one made by Muhammad Karamat 'Ali of Dehli. This is known as the Tárikh-i Amini or Tarjuma-i Yamini, and although it is not common, it can easily be procured. Karámat 'All's translation is very literal, the order of the words even following that of the original Arabic, and it is in general very correct and free from errors. He interposes faidas or notes containing explanations of meaning and surmises about identification of places, but these are common place, and of little value.]
[A knowledge of the work of 'Utbi was at one time considered a great desideratum in Europe, but it is now found to contain but little which is not accessible through other channels. Firishta and other historians have, by means of the Persian versions, extracted from it all that is of value and interest. But for all this it must continue a work of authority and an object of curiosity, as the original source from which later writers have drawn much of their information respecting Mahmud's campaigns.]
[The style of the original has generally been considered difficult and inflated, and Karamat 'Ali describes it as "very difficult, but at the same time good and elegant." Sir H. Elliot, who himself translated the extracts which follow from the original Arabic, observes that he " was alarmed at first at the declared difficulty of the text, but found it to vanish after a little examination." " Ali passages relating to India have been extracted, and the translations are literal, except that some of the useless illustrations have been omitted,"]
[The Bibliotheque Imperiale possesses three copies of the
[p.16]: Arabic, and one of the Persian version. From the latter, Silvestre de Sacy published in "Notices et Extraits," Tome iv. 1799, an almost complete translation into French.]1 Copies of the Tarikh Yamini are not uncommon in India. One of the best is in the Library of Nawwab Siraju-1 Mulk, of Haidarabad; and Sir H. Rawlinson has a very good copy. The edition lithographed at Dehli in the year 1847, is a very clear one, and contains some useful marginal notes, explanatory of the difficulties of the text.
It was edited by Maulavi Ashraf 'Ali and Dr. Sprenger : size, large 8vo. 423 (497) pages each containing 16 lines. Professor Fleischer has remarked on the errors of its pagination.2 Silvestre de Sacy notices a copy of one of the commentaries in a Library at Constantinople.3 I only know one copy from which I have made the Extracts given hereafter. This belongs to a pertinacious old lady at Belgram, who, without knowing what it is, scrupulously guards it from leaving her house, ever since my enquiries respecting the work have led her to look upon it as of exceeding value.
SHARH-I TARIKHI YAMINI.
There are several commentaries upon 'Utbi's history bearing this title. Their object is the explanation of the difficult passages, and the settling the right orthography of names. They are thus enumerated by Haji Khalfa :4 —
"The commentators are Majda-d din Kirmani ; Kassam bin Husain Khwarizmi, who died A.H. 555; Taju-d din 'Isa bin Mahmud ; Haibatu-d din Abu 'Abdu-llah ; Mahmud bin 'Umar Manjani Naishápuri, who has entitled his work "Gardens of the excellent and odoriferous herbs of the learned." Another is Abu-1 Marin Aitánia, who tells us that having consulted five
1 Mem. sur l' Inde, p. 25.
2 Zeitsohrift, D. M. Gesellschaft, Vol. III. p. 359.
2 Hist, priorum regum Pers. ex Mirkhond, Pers. et Lat. Yienna 1784, p. 168 ; Littevatura Turchesca dell 'Abbate Todeiini, .Tom. II.
4 Lexicon BibliograpUcum, y, " Yemiui ;" and Vol. II. p. 50 ; Notices des Manu- scripts, Tom. iv. p. 326.
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other commentaries, he extracted from them all that was useful, and made to them many important additions of his own. When it was complete, he presented his work to his master, the celebrated Kutbu-d din Shirazi, who honoured it with his approval. In the end, Kutbu-d din desired him to join the text to the commentary, an arrangement of which the author did not approve ; but having extracted from the text the most important words in it, he joined to them the necessary explanation in such a manner that one could not distinguish the text from the commentary, which together form one well-combined whole. He completed his labours on the entire work of 'Utbi at Tabriz, in the year 721 H. (1321 A.D.)
It is difficult to conceive the nature of the work thus spoken of A combination of text and commentary so as to represent an harmonious unity, seems an impossibility.
The only commentary I know in India is by 'Ali bin Muslihu-s Sama'ani-al Kirmani. The year of composition does not appear, but the copy which I have seen cannot be less than three hundred years old. It is not a commentary upon the complete text, but only the most difficult words are selected for explanation. The portion thus selected for exegetical notes amounts to about onetenth of the text. The extravagances of which the author is guilty, in the following short extract (p. 51), where he endeavours to show the correct way of writing Indian names, proves that the work can be of no real value, and that it is an impudent attempt of ignorance to appear learned. Yet his notions of the value of what he was engaged upon are correct enough, though it must be confessed they are very original. He says : — " Books of history operate as a warning to the wise, and their perusal inspires even the negligent with subjects of reflection, and especially those who have occasion to travel. Moderns derive benefit from the instructions of the ancients, those who are present learn from those that are absent, and posterity becomes acquainted with the occupations of its ancestors." It is for these solemn truisms that the author considered a commentary upon a work which treats
[p.18]: of such exalted subjects as history treats of, a most useful labour to undertake.
The Conquest of Kusdar
The ruler of Kusdar, which was near the territory of Ghazna, rebelled against Amir Subuktigin.1 His fort was itself strong, naturally as well as in its approaches, and he thought that the difficulties of the road, as well as the distance, would prevent the Amir from attacking him ; but he was afraid lest his territory might be plundered, while his city was invested by the Amir's cavalry. Amir Subuktigin marched that long distance over lofty and difficult hills, with his troops in close columns, one after the other, and with such expedition, that his body knew no rest, nor his eyes sleep, and his army had but little repose.
So Subuktigin and his followers attacked the city of the ruler of Kusdar, and seized him suddenly, like as a sheep is seized, when its limbs are torn to be roasted and placed before a guest ; and the faces of the inhabitants were so changed through alarm, that the very dogs barked at them, and mothers in their fright deserted their children. The Amir thought it expedient to show kindness to the ruler of Kusdar, and to restore to his possession all that he had taken from him. He made peace with him on condition that he should immediately pay a contribution in money and hereafter promise to send an annual tribute. The Khutba also was read in that territory in the name of Amir Subuktigin, and coiners and goers, and the far and near became acquainted with these circumstances.2
Amir Subuktigin' s First Invasion of Hind
After this victory he made frequent expeditions into Hind, in
1. This name was not uncommon about this period. The famous Amiru-l Umara, of Baghdad, the Turk Subuktigtn died in a.h. 364. Hammer-Purgstall, on the authority of Sha'uri, says the name is Sebuktigin ; but Ibn Khallikan says it should he Subuktigin.
2. "We find the ruler of Kusdar subsequently refusing to pay his tribute, in consequence of which the Sultan was again compelled to attack him. — Dehli edition, p. 316.
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the prosecution of holy wars, and there he conquered forts upon lofty hills, in order to seize the treasures they contained, and expel their garrisons. He took all the property they contained into his own possession, and captured cities in Hind, which had up to that time been tenanted only by infidels, and not trodden by the camels and horses of Musulmans.
When Jaipal1 had ascertained the calamity which had befallen him from the reports of the people who travelled in his country, and how Subuktigin was taking different parts of the territory into his own possession, and injuring everybody who opposed him in his projects of ambition, the deepest grief seized him and made him restless, and his lands became narrow under his feet, though their expanse was broad. Then he arose with his relations and the generals of his army, and his vassals, and hastened with his huge elephants to wreak his revenge upon Subuktigin, by treading the field of Islam under his feet, and doing dishonour to that which should be treated with respect.
In this disposition he marched on until he passed Lamghan, and approached the territory of Subuktigin, trusting to his own resources and power, for Satan had laid an egg in Jaipal's brain and- hatched it ; so that he waxed proud, entertaining absurd thoughts, and anticipating an immediate accomplishment of his wishes, impracticable as they were.
When the Amir heard of Jaipal's approach towards his territory, and of his great power, he girt up his loins to fight, and collecting his vassals and the Muhammadan forces whose duty it was to oppose infidels, he advanced from Ghazna against Jaipal, who was encamped between that place and Lamghan, with soldiers as black as night, and as impetuous as a torrent. Yaminu-d daula Mahmud accompanied
1. S. de Sacy reads " Haibal," and says some manuscripts have it " Hainal" and "Djibal." He observes also that Dow has " Jerpal :" and " Abistagi" for " Alpteghin," "Subuktagi" for " Sebekteghin," "Tigha." for "Togan," and " Bab Toor" for " Baitour." Firishta has " Jaipal, the son of Ishtpil ;" in Briggs, " Hutpal." See Mem. sur l'Inde, p. 252.
[p.20]: Amir Subuktigin, like a lion of the forest or a destructive eagle, and they attempted no difficult undertaking which they did not easily accomplish.
The armies fought several days successively against each other, and cups filled to the brim with blood, drawn from wounds inflicted by sword and spear, circulated amongst them till they were drunken. In the field of this battle there was a very lofty mountain near the infidels, which was very difficult to ascend, called the 'Ukba Ghuzak.1 In one of its ravines there was a clear fountain of water of the dimensions required by the Hanafi law for purification,2 in which there were no impurities, or even watermoss. If any filth were thrown into it, black clouds collected, whirlwinds arose, the summits of the mountains became black, rain fell, and the neighbourhood was filled with cold blasts, until red death supervened. The Amir ordered that some dirty substance should be thrown into it, and immediately upon doing so the horrors of the day of resurrection rose up before the wicked infidels, and fire fell from heaven on them, and hailstones accompanied by loud claps of thunder ; and a blast, calculated to shake trees from their roots, blew upon them, and thick black vapours formed around them, as that they could not see the road by which they could fly, and their food and water were filled with dust.3
In consequence of the great fear which fell upon Jaipal, who confessed he had seen death before the appointed time, he sent a deputation to the Amir soliciting peace, on the promise of his paying down a sum of money, and offering to obey any order he might receive respecting his elephants and his country. The Amir Subuktigin consented on account of the mercy he felt towards those who were his vassals, or for some other reason which
1. Ghuzak or Ghurak is mentioned by Al Biruni as one of the mountains under which the Kabul river flows. — Vol I. p. 47.
2 That is, a cube of ten spans.
3. This passage is omitted from S. de Sacy's translation. [Muhammad 'Ufi gives this story in his Jami'u-l Hikayat at greater length and with some variations, though he professes to have taken it from this work, see post.'] [p.21]: seemed expedient to him. But the Sultan Yaminu-d daula Mahmud addressed the messengers in a harsh voice, and refused to abstain from battle, until he should obtain a complete victory suited to his zeal for the honour of Islam and of Musulmans, and one which he was confident God would grant to his arms.
So they returned, and Jaipal being in great alarm, again sent most humble supplications that the battle might cease, observing, " You have seen the impetuosity of the Hindus and their indifference to death, whenever any calamity befalls them, as at this moment. If, therefore, you refuse to grant peace in the hope of obtaining plunder, tribute, elephants and prisoners, then there is no alternative for us but to mount the horse of stern determination, destroy our property, take out the eyes of our elephants, cast our children into the fire, and rush on each other with sword and spear, so that all that will be left to you, is stones and dirt, dead bodies, and scattered bones."
When the Amir heard these words and knew what Jaipal would do in his despair, he thought that religion and the views of the faithful would best be consulted by peace, and the acquisition of tribute. So the Amir Mahmud agreed with Subuktigin as to the propriety of withdrawing the hand of vengeance, on the condition of receiving at that time 1,000,000 dirhams of royal stamp, and fifty elephants, and some cities and forts in the middle of his country. Jaipal was to deliver these forts to the officers nominated by the Amir, and was to send hostages from among his relatives and friends to remain with the Amir until these conditions of cession were fulfilled. The Amir sent two deputies with Jaipal to see that he did not swerve from his engagements, and they were accompanied by confidential officers who were to receive charge of the ceded places.
When Jaipal had marched to a great distance, and thought that the demand upon him had relaxed, and that the rope round his throat was loosened, his bad disposition suggested to him to break his engagements, and his folly made him beget enmity, insomuch that he imprisoned those who accompanied him on
[p.22]: the part of the Amir, in reprisal for those of his relations whom the Amir had taken as hostages.
Amir Subuktigin's Second Invasion of Hind
When this intelligence reached the Amir, he considered it false, as being opposed to the usual habits of Jaipal ; until repeated accounts to the same effect were brought, when the curtain which obscured the truth was withdrawn, and he knew that God had set his seal upon Jaipal's heart, so that he might obtain the reward of his evil deeds, and had placed a veil between it and rectitude, so that he might obtain punishment for his wickedness and infidelity. The Sultan therefore sharpened the sword of intention in order to make an incursion upon his kingdom, and cleanse it from impurity and from his rejection of Islam. So he departed with his valiant servants and allies, relying upon the one God, and trusting in the fulfillment of the promise of victory; and he went on till he arrived with his troops in the country of Hind, and he killed every one who, on the part of Jaipal, came out to oppose him.
The Amir marched out towards Lamghan, which is a city celebrated for its great strength and abounding in wealth. He conquered it and set fire to the places in its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels, and demolishing the idol-temples, he established Islam in them, He marched and captured other cities and killed the polluted wretches, destroying the idolatrous and gratifying the Musulmans. After wounding and killing beyond all measure, his hands and those of his friends became cold in counting the value of the plundered property. On the completion of his conquest he returned and promulgated accounts of the victories obtained for Islam, and every one, great and small, concurred in rejoicing over this result and thanking God.
When Jaipal saw what had occurred to him on account of the infraction of his engagements, that his chiefs had become the food of vultures and hyenas, and that weakness had fallen on his
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arm, he became greatly agitated, and knew not whether to retire or advance. He at last determined to fight once more, and satisfy his revenge. He thought, resolved, gave orders, and collected troops to the number of more than one hundred thousand. When Amir Subuktigin heard this intelligence, he again advanced to fight him, and ascended a lofty hill from which he could see the whole army of the infidels, which resembled scattered ants and locusts, and he felt like a wolf about to attack a flock of sheep. He urged the Musulmans upon the uncircumcised infidels, and they willingly obeyed his orders. He made bodies of five hundred attack the enemy with their maces in hand, and relieve each other when one party became tired, so that fresh men and horses were constantly engaged, till the accursed enemy complained of the heat which arose from that iron oven. These detached parties then made one united charge, in order to exterminate their numerous opponents. Men and officers mingled in close conflict, and all other arms were useless except the sword.
The dust which arose prevented the eyes from seeing ; swords could not be distinguished from spears, men from elephants, the valiants from cowards. It was only when the dust was allayed that it was found that the impure infidels were defeated, and had fled, leaving behind them their property, utensils, arms, provisions, elephants, and horses. The jungles were filled with the carcases of the infidels, some wounded by the sword, and others fallen dead through fright. "It is the order of God respecting those who have passed away, that infidels should be put to death; and the order of God is not changed respecting your execution of the same precept."
The Hindus turned their tails towards their heads like frightened dogs, and the Raja was contented to offer the best things in his most distant provinces to the conqueror, on condition that the hair on the crowns of their heads should not be shaven off. So the country in that neighbourhood was clear and open before Amir Subuktigin, and he seized all the wealth which was found in it. He levied tribute and obtained immense booty, besides
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two hundred elephants of war. He increased his army, and the Afghans and Khiljis having submitted to him, he admitted thousands of them1 whenever he wished into the ranks of his army, and thereafter expended their lives in his service.
Receipt by Mahmud of a Khila't from the Khalifa
Kadir bi-llah Amfru-l-muminin, the Khalifa of Baghdad, sent a Khila't, such as had never before been heard of, for the use of Sultan Saifu-d daula, and he entitled Mahmud in his imperial rescript, "Yaminu-d daula Aminu-l millat, the friend of the Amir-l muminin," which had not yet been bestowed upon any prince, either far or near, notwithstanding their intense desire to receive such an honour. The Sultan sat on his throne and robed himself in his new Khila't, professing his allegiance to the successor of the prophet of God. The Amirs of Khurasan stood before him in order, with respectful demeanour, and did not take their seats till they were directed. He then bestowed upon the nobles, his slaves, his confidential servants, and his chief friends, valuable robes and choice presents, beyond all calculation, * * * and vowed that every year he would undertake a holy war against Hind.
Defeat of Jaipal by Mahmud 1001 A.D
Sultan Mahmud at first designed in his heart to go to Sijistan, but subsequently preferred engaging previously in a holy war against Hind, and he distributed arms prior to convening a council on the subject,1 in order to secure a blessing on his designs, of exalting the standard of religion, of widening the plain of right, of illuminating the words of truth, and of strengthening
1. M. de Sacy says " they agreed to furnish 100,000 men whenever he wished."
1 Alluding to a passage in the Kuran , which it is unnecessary to explain here more particularly. [p.25]: the power of justice. He departed towards the country of Hind, in full reliance on the aid of God, who guiding by his light and by his power, bestowed dignity upon him, and gave him victory in all his expeditions. On his reaching Purshaur (Peshawar), he pitched his tent outside the city. There he received intelligence of the bold resolve of Jaipal, the enemy of God, and the King (malik) of Hind, to offer opposition, and of his rapid advance towards meeting his fate in the field of battle. He then took a muster of his horses, and of all his warriors and their vassals from those in whose records it was entered, and then selected from among his troops 15,000 cavalry, men and officers, all bold, and strictly prohibited those who were rejected and not fit or disposed for war, from joining those who had been chosen, and who were like dragons of the desert and lions of the forest. With them he advanced against the wicked and accursed enemy, whose hearts were firm as hills, and were as twigs of patience on the boughs of affection. The villanous infidel came forward, proud in his numbers and strength of head and arm, with 12,000 horsemen, 30,000 foot soldiers, and 300 elephants, at the ponderous weight of which the lighter earth groaned, little reflecting that, under God's dispensation, a small army can overturn a host, as the ignorant man would have learnt, could he have read the word of God, — " Oftentimes a small army overcomes a large one by the order of God."
That infidel remained where he was, avoiding the action for a long time, and awaiting craftily the arrival of reinforcements and other vagabond families and tribes which were on their way ; but the Sultan would not allow him to postpone the conflict, and the friends of God commenced the action, setting upon the enemy with sword, arrow, and spear, — plundering, seizing, and destroying ; at all which the Hindus, being greatly alarmed, began to kindle the flame of fight. The Hindu set his cavalry in and beat his drums. The elephants moved on from their posts, and line advanced against line, shooting their arrows at one another like boys escaped from school, who, at eventime, shoot at a target
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for a wager. Swords flashed like lightning amid the blackness of clouds, and fountains of blood flowed like the fall of setting stars. The friends of God defeated their obstinate opponents, and quickly put them to a complete rout. Noon had not arrived when the Musulmans had wreaked their vengeance on the infidel enemies of God, killing 15,000 of them, spreading them like a carpet over the ground, and making them food for beasts and birds of prey. Fifteen elephants fell on the field of battle, as their legs, being pierced with arrows, became as motionless as if they had been in a quagmire, and their trunks were cut with the swords of the valiant heroes.
The enemy of God, Jaipal, and his children and grandchildren, and nephews, and the chief men of his tribe, and his relatives, were taken prisoners, and being strongly bound with ropes, were carried before the Sultan, like as evildoers, on whose faces the fumes of infidelity are evident, who are covered with the vapours of misfortune, will be bound and carried to Hell. Some had their arms forcibly tied behind their backs, some were seized by the cheek, some were driven by blows on the neck. The necklace was taken off the neck of Jaipal, — composed of large pearls and shining gems and rubies set in gold, of which the value was two hundred thousand dinars ; and twice that value was obtained from the necks of those of his relatives who were taken prisoners, or slain, and had become the food of the mouths of hyenas and vultures. God also bestowed upon his friends such an amount of booty as was beyond all bounds and all calculation, including five hundred thousand slaves, beautiful men and women. The Sultan returned with his followers to his camp, having plundered immensely, by God's aid, having obtained the victory, and thankful to God, the lord of the universe. For the Almighty had given them victory over a province of the country of Hind, broader and longer and more fertile than Khurasan. This splendid and celebrated action took place on Thursday, the 8th of Muharram, 392 H. (27th November, 1001, A.D.)
After the victory, the Sultan directed that the polluted infidel.
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Jaipal, should be paraded about, so that his sons and chieftains might see him in that condition of shame, bonds, and disgrace ; and that the fear of Islam might fly abroad through the country of the infidels. He then entered into conditions of peace with him, after demanding fifty elephants, and took from him as hostages his son and grandson, till he should fulfill the conditions imposed upon him.
The infidel returned to his own country and remained there, and wrote to his son, Andpal, whose territory, on which he prided himself, was on the other side of the Sihun (Indus), explaining the dreadful calamity which had befallen him, and beseeching him with many entreaties to send the elephants which were according to agreement to be given to the Sultan. Upon this Andpal sent the elephants to Jaipal, after dismissing the courier who had brought the letter, and the elephants were sent on to the Sultan. The Sultan, therefore, ordered the release of the hostages, and his myrmidons gave them a smack on the buttocks, telling them to return to their country.
Andpal reflected that his father, Jaipal, had put on the sheaf of old age, and had fallen under the influence of Lyra and other unlucky constellations, and it was time he should contemplate his death and devote himself to religious exercises. There is a custom among these men that if any one is taken prisoner by an enemy, as in this case Jaipal was by the Musulmans, it is not lawful for him to continue to reign. When Jaipal, therefore, saw that he was captive in the prison of old age and degradation, he thought death by cremation preferable to shame and dishonour. So he commenced with shaving his hair off, and then threw himself upon the fire till he was burnt.1
1. In the version of Jarbazkani it is said that, after the self sacrifice of Jaipal the Sultta again sent forth his army into Hindustan, and that after having exterminated all those who had taken part in this rebellion, he returned in triumph to Ghazni. There is no authority for this in the original. The transactions at "Waihind are not noticed in Jarbazkani. — Reynolds, 282 — Notices et Extraits, iv. 380.
Battle of Waihind
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When the Sultan had accomplished all his wishes and reduced all his enemies ; in his happiness, he resolved on another holy-expedition. He ornamented the entrance to his tent as well as his standards, and marching towards Waihind, he encamped there in state, until he had established himself in that country, and had relieved himself from the toils of the campaign. News reached him of the Hindus taking refuge in the passes of the neighbouring hills, and concealing themselves in the forests and jungles, consulting amongst themselves about the means of attacking the Musulmans. He therefore despatched an army against them, to conquer their country, and disperse them. The army fell upon them, and committed such slaughter that their swords were covered with blood. Those who escaped death fled away like mountain goats, having seen the swords flashing as bright as stars at noonday, and dealing black and red death around them. Thus did the infidels meet with the punishment and loss due to their deserts. The standards of the Sultan then returned happy and victorious to Ghazni, the face of Islam was made resplendent by his exertions, the teeth of the true faith displayed themselves in their laughter, the breasts of religion expanded, and the back of idolatry was broken.
The Conquest of Bhatia
When Sultan Mahmud had settled the affairs of Sijistan, and the action of his beating pulse had subsided, and the clouds had dispersed, he determined upon invading Bhatia. So he collected armies with trustworthy guides and valiant standard bearers, and crossing the Indus in the neighbourhood1 of Multan, he marched towards the city of Bhatia, the walls of which the
1. Literally, " behind," or "beyond," [and Ibn Asir uses the same expression,] buj; the position of Multan is such as to render the author's meaning very doubtful.
[p.29]: wings of the eagle could not surmount, and which was surrounded as by the ocean with a ditch of exceeding depth and breadth. The city was as wealthy as imagination can conceive in property, armies, and military weapons. There were elephants as headstrong as Satan. The ruler at that time was Biji Rai,1 and the pride which he felt in the state of his preparations, induced him to leave the walls of his fort and come forth to oppose the Musulmans, in order to frighten them with his warriors and elephants and great prowess.
The Sultan fought against him for three days and nights, and the lightnings of his swords and the meteors of his spears fell on the enemy. On the fourth morning a most furious onslaught was made with swords and arrows, which lasted till noon, when the Sultan ordered a general charge to be made upon the infidels. The friends of God advancing against the masters of lies and idolatry with cries of " God is exceeding great !" broke their ranks, and rubbed their noses upon the ground of disgrace. The Sultan himself, like a stallion, went on dealing hard blows around him on the right hand and on the left, and cut those who were clothed in mail right in twain, making the thirsty infidels drink the cup of death. In this single charge he took several elephants, which Biji Rai regarded as the chief support of his centre. At last God granted victory to the standards of Islam, and the infidels retreated behind the walls of their city for protection. The Musulmans obtained possession of the gates of the city, and employed themselves in filling up the ditch and destroying the scarp and counterscarp, widening the narrow roads, and opening the closed entrances.
When Biji Rai saw the desperate state to which he was reduced, he escaped by stealth and on foot into the forest with a few attendants, and sought refuge on the top of some hills. The Sultan despatched a select body of his troops in pursuit of them, and surrounded them as a collar does the neck ; and when Biji
1. Dow says "Bachera; S. de Sacy "Bohaira;" Wilken "Bahira;" Briggs " Beejy Ray." [Ibn Asir has " Bahira.]
[p.30]: Rai saw that there was no chance of escape, he drew his dagger, struck it into his breast, and went to the fire which God has lighted for infidels and those who deny a resurrection, for those who say no prayers, hold no fasts, and tell no beads. — Amen.
The army of the Sultan kept moving on, and committing slaughter and pillage. One hundred and twenty elephants1 fell to the share of the Sultan, besides the usual share of property and arms. He also obtained an accession of territory without any solicitation. He remained at Bhatia till he had cleansed it from pollution, and appointed a person there to teach those who had embraced Islam, and lead them in the right way. He then returned to Ghazna in triumph and glory, and his fortune was in the equator (ascendant) ; but as his return was during the rains, when the rivers were full and foaming, and as the mountains were lofty, and he had to fight with enemies, he lost the greater part of his baggage in the rivers, and many of his valiant warriors were dispersed. God, nevertheless, preserved his person from those calamities which beset his road, for God is the friend of the virtuous. * * *
The Capture of Multan
Intelligence reached the Sultan of the acts committed by the ruler of Multan, Abi-l futuh, namely, respecting the impurity of his religion, the seditious designs of his heart, and the evidence of his evil doings, and his endeavours to make proselytes of the inhabitants of his country. The Sultan zealous for the Muhammadan religion, thought it a shame to allow him to retain his government while he practised such wickedness and disobedience and he beseeched the assistance of a gracious God in bringing him to repentance, and attacking him with that design in view.
He then issued orders for the assembling of armies from among the Musulmans for the purpose of joining him in this
1. Firishta says 280, and Mirkhond 120, but does not notice that this was the personal share of the Sultan.
[p.31]: holy expedition, — those on whom God had set his seal and selected for the performance of good deeds, and obtaining either victory or martyrdom. He departed with them towards Multan in the spring, when the rivers were swollen with the rain, and the Indus and other rivers prevented the passage of the cavalry, and offered difficulties to his companions. The Sultan desired of Andpal,1 the chief of Hind, that he would allow him to march through his territory, hut Andpal would not consent, and offered opposition, which resulted in his discomfiture. The Sultan, consequently, thought it expedient to attack Rai Andpal first, notwithstanding his power, in his jungles, to bow down his broad neck, to cut down the trees of his jungles, to destroy every single thing he possessed, and thus to obtain the fruit of two paradises by this double conquest.
So he stretched out upon him the hand of slaughter, imprisonment, pillage, depopulation, and fire, and hunted him from ambush to ambush, into which he was followed by his subjects, like "merchants of Hazramaut, who are never without their sheets." 2 The spears were tired of penetrating the rings of the coats of mail, the swords became blunt by the blows on the sides, and the Sultan pursued the Rai over hill and dale, over the soft and hard ground of his territory, and his followers either became a feast to the rapacious wild beasts of the passes and plains, or fled in distraction to the neighbourhood of Kashmir.
When Abi-l futuh, the ruler of Multan, heard what had happened to the chief of Hind, notwithstanding all his power and the lofty walls of his fort, and his shining sword, and when he began to measure their relative strength, and considered how Andpal, a much greater potentate than himself, had been subdued, he looked upon himself, as compared with the Sultan, as a ravine in comparison with the top of a mountain. He, there- fore, determined with all expedition to load all his property on
1. No doubt Anand-pal, as in [[Firishta; Mirkhond calls him Jaipal, as in the Tarikh-i Alfi.
2. This verse is quoted by the author from a poet named Jariru-l-Khadfi.
[p.32]:
elephants, and carry it off to Sarandip, and he left Multan empty for the Sultan to do with it as he chose.
The Sultan marched towards Multan, beseeching God's aid against those who had introduced their neologies into religion and had disparaged it. The inhabitants of the place were blind in their errors, and desirous of extinguishing the light of God with their breath, so the Sultan invested Multan, took it by assault, treated the people with severity, and levied from them twenty thousand thousand dirams with which to respite their sins. Then the reports of the Sultan's conquests spread over distant countries, and over the salt sea as far even as Egypt ; Sind and her sister (Hind) trembled at his power and vengeance ; his celebrity exceeded that of Alexander the Great, and heresy (ilhad), rebellion, and enmity, were suppressed.
Indians in Mahmud's Army
When the Sultan heard of Ilak Khan crossing the Jihun with 50,000 men or more, he went in haste from Tukhiristan to Balkh, and remained there in order to anticipate Ilak Khan, who wished to obtain supplies from that province. The Sultan advanced ready for action with an army composed of Turks, Indians, Khiljis, Afghans, and Ghaznivides.1
Nawasa Shah.
After this victory over Ilak Khan, the Sultan resolved upon going to Hind for the purpose of making a sudden attack upon the person known as Nawasa Shah, one of the rulers of Hind, who had been established as governor over some of the territories in that country conquered by the Sultan, for the purpose of protecting their borders. Satan had got the better of Nawasa Shah,
1. De Sacy reads Ghozz, perhaps more correctly.
[p.33]: for he was again apostatizing towards the pit of plural worship, had thrown off the slough of Islam, and held conversation with the chiefs of idolatry respecting the casting off the firm rope of religion from his neck. So the Sultan went swifter than the wind in that direction, and made the sword reek with the blood of his enemies. He turned Nawasa Shah out of his government, took possession of all the treasures which he had accumulated, re-assumed the government, and then cut down the harvest of idolatry with the sickle of his sword and spear. After God had granted him this and the previous victory, which were tried witnesses as to his exalted state and proselytism, he returned without difficulty to Ghazna.
Victory near Waihind1
The Sultan, contrary to the disposition of man, which induces him to prefer a soft to a hard couch, and the splendour of the cheeks of pomegranate-bosomed girls to well-tempered sword blades, was so offended at the standard which Satan had raised in Hind, that he determined on another holy expedition to that land. On the last day of Rabi'u-l-Akhir of the same year,2 the Sultan prayed God for the accomplishment of his wishes. When he had reached as far as the river of Waihind, he was met by Brahmanpal, the son of Andpal, at the head of a valiant array, with white swords, blue spears, yellow coats of mail, and ash-coloured elephants. Fight opened its crooked teeth, attacks were frequent like flaming meteors, arrows fell like rain from bows, and the grinding-stone of slaughter revolved, crushing the bold and the powerful. The battle lasted from morning till evening, and the infidels were near gaining the victory, had not
1. This is left out by all the other chroniclers.
2. The year is not mentioned, but that the Sultan should have gained his victory near Balkh, expelled Nawasa Shah, that he should have returned to Ghazna and rested, and then have commenced another expedition, all within four months of the same year, is to suppose almost an impossibility, unless Nawasa Shah was on the Peshawar frontier.
[p.34]: God aided by sending the slaves of the household to attack the enemy in rear, and put them to flight. The victors obtained thirty large elephants, and slew the vanquished wherever they were found in jungles, passes, plains, and hills.
Capture of Bhimnagar
The Sultan himself joined in the pursuit, and went after them as far as the fort called Bhimnagar,1 which is very strong, situated on the promontory of a lofty hill, in the midst of impassable waters. The kings of Hind, the chiefs of that country, and rich devotees, used to amass their treasures and precious jewels, and send them time after time to be presented to the large idol that they might receive a reward for their good deeds and draw near to their God. So the Sultan advanced near to this crow's fruit,2 and this accumulation of years, which had attained such an amount that the backs of camels would not carry it, nor vessels contain it, nor writers hands record it, nor the imagination of an arithmetician conceive it.
The Sultan brought his forces under the fort and surrounded it, and prepared to attack the garrison vigorously, boldly, and wisely. When the defenders saw the hills covered with the armies of plunderers, and the arrows ascending towards them like flaming sparks of fire, great fear came upon them, and, calling out for mercy, they opened the gates, and fell on the earth, like sparrows before a hawk, or rain before lightning. Thus did God grant an easy conquest of this fort to the Sultan, and bestowed on him as plunder the products of mines and seas, the ornaments of heads and breasts, to his heart's content. The
1. Dow calls it " Bime ;" S. de Sacy " Behim-bagra;" 'Uttbi has " Bhim-naghar;" and Rashidu-d din "Bhinbaghra;" Wilken "Behim Bagsa;" Briggs "Bheem;" D'Herbelot and Rampoldi, " Bebesim;" Tarikh-i Alfi, "Bhim." [There can be no question that the lithographed edition is right in declaring the name to be Bhim- nagar. Firishta uses the names of Nagarkot, or Fort of Bhim (Briggs I. 48.) It is the modern Kangra which is still called Nagarkot.
2. That is, the best ; and probably there is an allusion in the expression to the blackness of the Hindus, the early Muhammadans being fond of designating them as crows," as will be seen from the Taju-l Ma-asir.
[p.35]:
Sultan entered the fort with Abu Nasr Ahmad bin Muhammad Farighuni, the ruler of Juzjan, and all his own private attendants, and appointed his two chief chamberlains, Altuntash and Asightigin,1 to take charge of the treasures of gold and silver and all the valuable property, while he himself took charge of the jewels. The treasures were laden on the backs of as many camels as they could procure, and the officers carried away the rest. The stamped coin amounted to seventy thousand thousand royal dirhams, and the gold and silver ingots amounted to seven hundred thousand four hundred mans in weight, besides wearing apparel and fine cloths of Sus, respecting which old men said they never remembered to have seen any so fine, soft, and embroidered. Among the booty was a house of white silver, like to the houses of rich men, the length of which was thirty yards and the breadth fifteen.2 It could be taken to pieces and put together again. And there was a canopy, made of the fine linen of Rum, forty yards long and twenty broad, supported on two golden and two silver poles, which had been cast in moulds.
The Sultan appointed one of his most confidential servants to the charge of the fort and the property in it. After this he returned to Ghazna in triumph ; and, on his arrival there, he ordered the court-yard of his palace to be covered with a carpet, on which he displayed jewels and unbored pearls and rubies, shining like sparks, or like wine congealed with ice, and emeralds like fresh sprigs of myrtle, and diamonds in size and weight like pomegranates. Then ambassadors from foreign countries, including the envoy from Taghan Khan, king of Turkistan, assembled to see the wealth which they had never yet even read of in books of the ancients, and which had never been accumulated by kings of Persia or of Rum, or even by Karun, who had only to express a wish and Grod granted it.
1. [Reynolds gives this name as " Istargin."]
2. [Jarbadkani, according to Reynolds, makes the measurement " sixty cubits long and fifty wide."]
[p.36]:
Capture of Narain1
The Sultan again resolved on an expedition to Hind, and marched towards Naraina, urging his horses and moving over ground, hard and soft, until he came to the middle of Hind, where he reduced chiefs, who, up to that time obeyed no master, overturned their idols, put to the sword the vagabonds of that country, and with delay and ircumspection proceeded to accomplish his design. He fought a battle with the chiefs of the infidels, in which God bestowed upon him much booty in property, horses, and elephants, and the friends of God committed slaughter in every hill and valley. The Sultan returned to Ghazna with all the plunder he had obtained.
Embassy from India to Ghazna
When the ruler (malik) of Hind had witnessed the calamities which had inflicted ruin on his country and his subjects, in consequence of his contests with the Sultan, and had seen their effects far and near, he became satisfied that he could not contend with him. So he sent some of his relatives and chiefs to the Sultan, supplicating him not to invade India again, and offering him money to abstain from that purpose, and their best wishes for his future prosperity. They were told to offer a tribute of fifty elephants, each equal to two ordinary ones in size and strength, laden with the products and rarities of his country. He promised to send this tribute every year, accompanied by two thousand men, for service at the Court of the Sultan.
The Sultan accepted his proposal, as Islam was promoted by the humility of his submission and the payment of tribute. He sent an envoy to see that these conditions were carried into effect. The ruler of Hind strictly fulfilled them and despatched one of his vassals with the elephants to see that they were duly presented to the Sultan. So peace was established, and tribute was paid, and caravans travelled in full security between Khurasan and Hind.
1. [Thia is called "Nardin" in Reynolds' translation, p. 360.]
Conquest of Nardin1
[p.37] After the Sultan had purified Hind from idolatry, and raised mosques therein, he determined to invade the capital of Hind, to punish those who kept idols and would not acknowledge the unity of God. He collected his warriors and distributed money amongst them. He marched with a large army in the year 404 h. 1013 A.D. during a dark night, and at the close of autumn, on account of the purity of the southern breezes at that season. When the Sultan had arrived near the frontier of Hind, snow fell, such as had never been seen before, insomuch that the passes of the hills were closed, and mountains and valleys became of one level. The feet of the horses and camels were affected by the cold, so it may be conceived what the faces, hands, and feet of men suffered. The well-known roads were concealed, and the right could not be distinguished from the left, or what was behind from that which was before, and they were unable to return until God should give the order. The Sultan employed himself, in the meantime, in collecting supplies, and sent for his generals from the different provinces. After having thus accumulated the means of warfare, and having been joined by his soldiers, who had come from different directions, in number equal to the drops of an autumnal rain, he left these winter quarters in the spring, and, had the earth been endowed with feeling, it would have groaned under the weight of the iron, the warriors, the horses, and the beasts of burden. The guides marched on in front over hill and dale, before the sun arose, and even before the light of the stars was extinguished. He urged on his horses2 for two months, among broad and deep rivers, and among jungles in which wild cattle even might lose their way.
When the Sultan arrived near the end of his destination, he set his cavalry in array, and formed them into different bodies,
1 [Reyaolds, in his translation of Jarbadkani's version, gives the name as " Nazin, and the date "400," page 388.]
2 This may also he rendered "boats."
[p.38]: appointing his brother, Amir Nasr, son of Nasiru-d din, to command the right wing, consisting of valiant heroes ; Arslanu-l Jazib to the left wing, consisting of powerful young men ; and Abu 'Abdu-lla Muhammad bin Ibrahimu-t Tai to the advance-guard, consisting of fiery Arab cavaliers. To the centre he appointed Altuntash, the chamberlain, with the Sultan's personal slaves and attendants, as firm as mountains.
Nidar Bhim, the enemy of God and the chief of Hind, alarmed at this sudden invasion, summoned his vassals and generals, and took refuge within a pass, which was narrow, precipitous, and inaccessible. They entrenched themselves behind stones, and closed the entrance to the pass by their elephants, which looked like so many hills from their lofty stature. Here he remained in great security, being persuaded that the place was impervious to attack, but he did not know that God is the protector of the faithful, and the annihilator of infidels !
When the Sultan learnt the intention of Nidar Bhim, with respect to the protraction of the war, and his confidence in his security, he advanced against them with his Dailamite warriors, and Satanic Afghan spearmen, and they penetrated the pass like gimlets into wood, ascending the hills like mountain goats, and descending them like torrents of water. The action lasted for several days without intermission, till at last some of the Hindus were drawn out into the plain to fight, like oil sucked up into the wick of a candle, or like iron attracted by a magnet, and there they were assaulted and killed by the cavalry, just as the knight on the chess-board demolishes pawns.
When his vassals had joined Nidar Bhim with reinforcements, he consented to leave his entrenchments and come out himself into the plain, having the hills behind him, and elephants drawn up on each wing. The battle raged furiously, and when the elephants of the Hindus moved on, with the object of destroying their opponents, they were assailed by showers of arrows upon their trunks and eyes. When Abu 'Abdu-llu-t Tai had through his bravery advanced into the midst of the infidels, he was
[p.39]:
wounded in his head and different parts of his body; but the Sultan seeing the extreme danger to which his general was exposed, despatched part of his own guards to his assistance, who brought him out of the conflict to the Sultan, severely wounded in many places. The Sultan ordered him to be placed on an elephant, in order to relieve him from the pain of his wounds, and thus he was exalted like a king above all the leaders of the army.
The conflict continued as before until God blew the gale of victory on his friends, and the enemy were slain on the tops of the hills, and in the valleys, ravines, and beds of torrents. A large number of elephants, which the enemy had looked upon as strongholds to protect them, fell into the hands of the victors, as well as much other booty. So God granted the Sultan the victory of Nardin, such as added to the decoration of the mantle of Islam, which had not before that period extended to that place.
A stone was found there in the temple of the great Budda,1 on which an inscription was written purporting that the temple had been founded fifty thousand years ago. The Sultan was surprised at the ignorance of these people, because those who believe in the true faith represent that only seven thousand years have elapsed since the creation of the world, and the signs of resurrection are even now approaching. The Sultan asked his wise men the meaning of this inscription, and they all concurred in saying that it was false, and that no faith was to be put in the evidence of a stone.
The Sultan returned, marching in the rear of this immense booty, and slaves were so plentiful that they became very cheap ; and men of respectability in their native land, were degraded by becoming slaves of common shopkeepers. But this is the good-ness of God, who bestows honours on his own religion and degrades infidelity.
1. It is plainly so written in the Arabic original, and cannot be meant for But, " an idol," as that word is Persian. [See Vol. I. p. 507.]
Conquest of Tanesar
[p.40]: The Sultan learnt that in the country of Tanesar there were large elephants of the Sailaman (Ceylon) breed, celebrated for military purposes. The chief of Tanesar was on this account obstinate in his infidelity and denial of God. So the Sultan marched against him with his valiant warriors, for the purpose of planting the standards of Islam and extirpating idolatry. He marched through a desert which no one had yet crossed, except birds and wild beasts, for the foot of man and the shoe of horse had not traversed it. There was no water in it, much less any other kind of food. The Sultan was the first to whom God had granted a passage over this desert, in order that he might arrive at the accomplishment of his wishes.
Beneath it (Tanesar !) flowed a pure stream ; the bottom was covered with large stones, and its banks were precipitous and sharp as the points of arrows. The Sultan had reached this river where it takes its course through a hill-pass, behind which the infidels had posted themselves, in the rear of their elephants, with a large number of infantry and cavalry. The Sultan adopted the stratagem of ordering some of his troops to cross the river by two different fords, and to attack the enemy on both sides ; and when they were all engaged in close conflict, he ordered another body of men to go up the bank of the stream, which was flowing through the pass with fearful impetuosity, and attack the enemy amongst the ravines, where they were posted in the greatest number. The battle raged fiercely, and about evening, after a vigorous attack on the part of the Musulmans, the enemy fled, leaving their elephants, which were all driven into the camp of the Sultan, except one, which ran ofter and could not be found. The largest were reserved for the Sultan.
The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously, that the stream was discoloured, notwithstanding its purity, and people were unable to drink it. Had not night come on and concealed the traces of their flight, many more of the enemy would have slain.
[p.41]:
The victory was gained by God's grace, who has established Islam for ever as the best of religions, notwithstanding that idolaters revolt against it. The Sultan returned with plunder which it is impossible to recount. — Praise be to God, the protector of the world, for the honour he bestows upon Islam and Musulmans !
Passage of the Panjab and the Jamna 1018 A.D.
On the Sultan's return to Ghazna from Khwarizm, he appointed spies to go to the frontier of Hind and communicate all particulars respecting that country, and he resolved upon employing the close of the year in resting his horses and troopers, and in contemplating schemes of future religious conquests.
As no part of Hind remained unconquered, except Kashmir, he resolved on an expedition to that country. Between it and Ghazna there were forests resounding with the notes of birds and other animals, and the winds even lose their way in it. It happened that 20,000 men from Mawarau-n nahr and its neighbourhood, who were with the Sultan, were anxious to be employed on some holy expedition, in which they might obtain martyrdom. The Sultan determined to march with them towards Kanauj, which no other king but the all-powerful Gushtasp had been able to take, as has been related in the histories of the Magians.
Between Ghazna and Kanauj the journey occupies three months, even for camels and horses. So the Sultan bade farewell to sleep and ease, and praying God for success, he departed accompanied by his valiant warriors. He crossed in safety the Sihun (Indus), Jelam, Chandraha, Ubra (Ravi), Bah (Biyah), and Sataldur (Sutlej). These are all rivers, deep beyond description; even elephants' bodies are concealed in them, so it may easily be conceived what is the case with horses. They bear along with them large stones, so camels and horses are of course
[p.42]: in danger of being carried down the stream. Whatever countries the Sultan traversed, ambassadors were sent to him proffering submission, inasmuch that Sabli, son of Shahi,1 son of Bamhi2, who held the passes leading into Kashmir, looking upon the Sultan as one sent by God, also came forward, offering his allegiance, and his services as a guide. He led the way, crossing forest after forest. At midnight the drum sounded for the march, and the friends of God mounted their horses, ready to bear the inconvenience of the journey, and they marched on until the sun began to decline from the meridian. They placed behind their backs the river Jún (Jamna), crossing it on the 20th of Rajab, 409 H., 2nd December, 1018 A.D.
Capture of Baran
The Sultan took all the lofty hill forts which he met on the road, so lofty indeed were they, that beholders sprained the back of their necks in looking up at them. At length he arrived at the fort of Barba (Baran3), in the country of Hardat,4 who was one of the Rais, that is " kings," in the Hindi language. When Hardat heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God,who advanced like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he became greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his life, which was forfeited under the law of God. So he reflected that his safety would best be secured by conforming to the religion of Islam, since God's sword was drawn from
1. [" Janki," marginal note in Dehli Edn.]
2. S. de Sacy calls him " Khabli-ben-Schami." Firishta says, "When Mahmtid reached the confines of Kashmir, the ruler sent presents, which were graciously accepted, and he accompanied the advance guard." Briggs, without authority, adds that Mahmud had established this prince in Kashmir. [Reynolds gives the names Habali-'bn-Shasni.]
3. 'Ali bin Muslih says, in his commentary, that the name is Barbah, but that some copies read Barna. S. deSacy reads "Barma," so does [Jarbadkani, Reynolds, 451] Kar&mat 'All and Bashldu-d din. The original copies read " Barba," and " Burdur." I make it " Baran," the old name of Bulandshahr.
4. S. de Sacy gives "Haroun" and "Harout." 'All bin Muslih says it is either "Hurdiz," or "Hurdit." [Jarbadkani, according to Reynolds, reads "Harun," p. 451].
[p.43]: the scabbard, and the whip of punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand men, who all proclaimed their anxiety for conversion, and their rejection of idols. God confirmed the promises he had made, and rendered assistance to the Sultan.
Capture of Kulchand's Fort
After some delay, the Sultan marched against the fort of Kulchand, who was one of the leaders of the accursed Satans, who assumed superiority over other rulers, and was inflated with pride, and who employed his whole life in infidelity, and was confident in the strength of his dominions. Whoever fought with him sustained defeat and flight, and he possessed much power, great wealth, many brave soldiers, large elephants, and strong forts, which were secure from attack and capture. When he saw that the Sultan advanced against him in the endeavour to engage in a holy war, he drew up his army and elephants within a deep forest ready for action.
The Sultan sent his advance guard to attack Kulchand, which, penetrating through the forest like a comb through a head of hair, enabled the Sultan to discover the road which led to the fort.1 The Musulmans exclaim, " God is exceeding great," and those of the enemy, who were anxious for death, stood their ground. Swords and spears were used in close conflict. * * * The infidels, when they found all their attempts fail, deserted the fort, and tried to cross the foaming river which flowed on the other side of the fort, thinking that beyond it they would be in security ; but many of them were slain, taken, or drowned in the attempt, and went to the fire of hell. Nearly fifty2 thousand men were killed and drowned, and became the prey of beasts and crocodiles. Kulchand, taking his dagger, slew his wife, and then drove it into his own body. The Sultan obtained by this victory one hundred and eighty-five powerful elephants, besides other booty.
1. The Tarlkh-i Alfi calls the fort by the name of " Mand."
2. Jarbadkani reduces the number to "five thousand," according to Reynolds, p. 454.]
Capture of Mathura
[p.44]:
The Sultan then departed from the environs of the city,1 in which was a temple of the Hindus. The name of this place was Maharatu2-l Hind. He saw there a building of exquisite structure, which the inhabitants said had been built, not by men, but by Genii, and there he witnessed practices contrary to the nature of man, and which could not be believed but from evidence of actual sight. The wall of the city was constructed of hard stone, and two gates opened upon the river flowing under the city, which were erected upon strong and lofty foundations, to protect them against the floods of the river and rains. On both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to which idol temples were attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets of iron, and all made of masonry work ; and opposite to them were other buildings, supported on broad wooden pillars, to give them strength.
In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which can neither be described nor painted. The Sultan thus wrote respecting it : —
- "If any should wish to construct a building equal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending an hundred thousand thousand red dinars, and it would occupy two hundred years, even though the most experienced and able workmen were employed."
Among the idols there were five made of red gold, each five yards high, fixed in the air without support. In the eyes of one of these idols there were two rubies, of such value, that if any one were to sell
1. S. de Sacy has " batie sur uue emmence." I see no authority for this in the original.
2. Authors who have succeeded 'Utbi call this Mathura, but there is no other authority for it, but that which is in the text. It is probable that it may be here called " Maharat," because in speaking below of the Great Temple, it is said to have been built by [arabic] i.e. experienced men, the plural [arabic] - Its resemblance to Mathura may have induced the pun. 'Ali bin Muslih Samani, in his Commentary, derives the word from [arabic] " a dog's whine," because it resembles the canting sound uttered by Hindus in worship. This is nonsense.
[p.45]: such as are like them, he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another, there was a sapphire purer than water, and more sparkling than crystal ; the weight was four hundred and fifty miskals. The two feet of another idol weighed four thousand four hundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded by the bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two hundred, but they could not be weighed without breaking them to pieces and putting them into scales. The Sultan gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire, and levelled with the ground.
The Conquest of Kanauj
After this, the Sultan went on with the intention of proceeding to Kanauj, and he derived a favourable omen, when he opened the Kuran, from finding the resemblance of "Kanauj" to " victories."1 He left the greater part of his army behind, and took only a small body of troops with him against Rai Jaipal, who had also but a few men with him, and was preparing to fly for safety to some of his dependant vassals.
The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort which he had in this country, and the inhabitants of them either accepted Islam, or took up arms against him. He collected so much booty, prisoners and wealth, that the fingers of those who counted them would have been tired.
He arrived on the 8th of Sha'ban, at Kanauj, which was deserted by Jaipal2 on hearing of his approach, for he fled across the Ganges, which the Hindus regard as of exceeding sanctity, and consider that its source is in the paradise of heaven. When they burn their dead, they throw the ashes into this river, as
1." Kanauj " and " futuh" when spelt without diacritical points, assume the same form : a good illustration of the difficulty of reading accurately oriental names, —here two words of the same form, have not a letter in common.
2. De Sacy reads " Hebal," Don calls the Raja " Karrah." Reinaud reads " Raja Pal," and " Rajaipal " It may be presumed he is the same as the " Puru Jaipal," subseiiuently mentioned. [Jarbaakani has " Haipal," Reynolds, 456.]
[p.46]: they consider that the waters purify them from sins. Devotees come to it from a distance, and drown themselves in its stream, in the hope of obtaining eternal salvation, but in the end it will only carry them to hell, so that it will neither kill them nor make them alive.
The Sultan advanced to the fortifications of Kanauj, which consisted of seven distinct forts, washed by the Ganges, which flowed under them like the ocean. In Kanauj there were nearly ten thousand temples, which the idolaters falsely and absurdly represented to have been founded by their ancestors two or three hundred thousand years ago. They worshipped and offered their vows and supplications to them, in consequence of their great antiquity. Many of the inhabitants of the place fled and were scattered abroad like so many wretched widows and orphans, from the fear which oppressed them, in consequence of witnessing the fate of their deaf and dumb idols. Many of them thus effected their escape, and those who did not fly were put to death. The Sultan took all seven forts in one day, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder them and take prisoners.
Capture of Munj
He then went to Munj1 known as the fort of Brahmans, the inhabitants of which were independent as headstrong camels. They prepared to offer opposition, like evil demons and obstinate Satans, and when they found they could not withstand the Musulmans, and that their blood would be shed, they took to flight, throwing themselves down from the apertures and the lofty and broad battlements, but most of them were killed in this attempt.
Capture of Asi
After this, the Sultan advanced against the fort of Asi,2 the
1. [Jarbadkani has "Manaj," Reynolds, 457.] The Sauzatu-s safi has "Mih," and "Bhij;" Haidar Razi, "Mabaj." Briggs says "the fort of Munj, full of Rajpujts." The Tarikh-i Alfi says "Mánj." Firishta says it held out fifteen days.
2. S. de Sacy calls it "Aster," and"Assir." [Reynolds has "Aster, held by Jandbál. the violent."]
[p.47]:
ruler of which was Chandál Bhor, one of the chief men and generals of the Hindus. He was always engaged in a career of victory, and at one time he was at war with the Rai of Kanauj, when the campaign lasted a long time, hut in the end the Rai was compelled to retreat, after having put to some trouble the friends of the ruler of Asi. Around his fort there was an impenetrable and dense jungle, full of snakes which no enchanters could tame, and so dark that even the rays of the full moon could not be discerned in it. There were broad and deep ditches all around.
When Chandal heard of the advance of the Sultan, he lost his heart from excess of fright, and as he saw death with his mouth open towards him, there was no resource to him but flight. The Sultan ordered therefore that his five forts should be demolished from their foundations, the inhabitants buried in their ruins, and the demoniacal soldiers of the garrison plundered, slain, and imprisoned.
Defeat of Chand Rai 1019 A.D
The Sultan, when he heard of the flight of Chandal, was sorely afflicted, and turned his horse's head towards Chand Rai, one of the greatest men in Hind, who resided in the fort of Sharwa,1 and in his pride and self-sufficiency thought the following verse applicable to himself:
" I sneeze with expanded nostrils, and hold the Pleiades in my hand even while sitting."
Between him and Puru Jaipal,2 there had been constant fights, in which many men and warriors had fallen in the field, and at last they consented to peace, in order to save further bloodshed and invasion of their respective borders. Puru Jaipal sought his old enemy's daughter, that he might give her in marriage to his son, Bhimpal, thus cementing the peace between them for ever,
1. Sirsawa, to the east of the Jumna near Saharanpur. — Cunningham,.
2. S. de Sacy reads " Perou Hebal," and considers him the same as the Raja of Kanauj, previously called " Hebal." [See Thomas' Frinsep, I. 292.]
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and preserving their swords within their sheaths. He sent his son to obtain the bride from Chand Rai, who imprisoned the son and demanded retribution for the losses which had been inflicted by the father. Jaipal was thus compelled to refrain from proceeding against Chand Rai's fort and country, being unable to release his son ; but constant skirmishes occurred between them, until the arrival of Sultan Mahmud in those parts, who, through the kindness of God, had wish after wish gratified in a succession of conquests.
Puru Jaipal in order to save his life, entered into a friendly engagement with Bhoj Chand,1 who was proud in the strength of his forts and their difficulty of access, and there he considered himself secure against pursuit in his inaccessible retreat. But Chand Rai, on the contrary, took up arms, trusting in the strength of his fort ; but had he remained in it he would infallibly have had it destroyed, and had he trusted to his army, it would have been of no avail. Under these circumstances, Bhimpal2 wrote him a letter to this effect : —
- " Sultan Mahmud is not like the rulers of Hind, and is not the leader of black men. It is obviously advisable to seek safety from such a person, for armies flee away before the very name of him and his father. I regard his bridle as much stronger than yours, for he never contents himself with one blow of the sword, nor does his army content itself with one hill out of a whole range. If therefore you design to contend with him, you will suffer, but do as you like — you know best. If you wish for your own safety, you will remain in concealment."
Chand Rai considered that Bhimpal had given him sound advice, and that danger was to be incurred by acting contrary to his suggestions. So he departed secretly with his property, elephants, and treasure, to the hill country, which was exceed-
1. Apparently the same as Chandal Bhor, the governor of Asi. Some copies read Bhoj-deo, whom M. Reinaud supposes to be the same as Bhoj-deva, who is mentioned by Al Biruni as the king of Malwa. — See Mem. sur l' Inde, p. 261.
2. S. de Sacy calls him " Behimal," and thinks he was probably the son of Perou- Hebal, whom Chand Rai retained as a prisoner.
[p.49]: ingly lofty, hiding himself in the jungles which the sun could not penetrate, and concealing even the direction of his flight, so that there was no knowing whither he was gone, or whether he had sped by night or day. The object of Bhimpal in recommending the flight of Chand Rai was, that the Rai should not fall into the net of the Sultan, and thus be made a Musulman, as had happened to Bhimpl's uncle and relations, when they demanded quarter in their distress.
The Sultan invested and captured the fort, notwithstanding its strength and height. Here he got plenty of supplies and booty, but he did not obtain the real object of his desire, which was to seize Chand Rai, and which he now determined to effect by proceeding in pursuit of him. Accordingly, after marching fifteen parasangs through the forest, which was so thorny that the faces of his men were scarified and bloody, and through stony tracts which battered and injured the horses' shoes, he at last came up to his enemy, shortly before midnight on the 25th of Sha'ban (6th January, 1019 A.D). They had travelled over high and low ground without any marked road, not like merchants of Hazramaut travelling at ease with their mantles around them.
The Sultan summoned the most religiously disposed of his followers, and ordered them to attack the enemy immediately. Many infidels were consequently slain or taken prisoners in this sudden attack, and the Musulmans paid no regard to the booty till they had satiated themselves with the slaughter of the infidels and worshippers of the sun and fire. The friends of God searched the bodies of the slain for three whole days, in order to obtain booty. The elephants were carried off, some by force, some were driven, and some went without any compulsion towards Mahmud, upon whom God bestows, out of his great kindness, not only ordinary plunder, but drives elephants towards him. There-fore they were called " God-brought, "1 in gratitude to the
1. This word is represented by the Persian " Khuda-award," in the middle of the Arabic text.
[p.50]: Almighty for sending elephants to the Sultan, which are only driven by iron goads, and are not usually captured without stratagem and deceit; whereas, in this instance, they came of their own accord, leaving idols, preferring the service of the religion of Islam. * * *
The booty amounted in gold and silver, rubies and pearls, nearly to three thousand thousand dirhams, and the number of prisoners may be conceived from the fact, that each was sold for from two to ten dirhams.1 These were afterwards taken to Ghazna, and merchants came from distant cities to purchase them, so that the countries of Mawarau-n nahr, 'Irak, and Khurasan were filled with them, and the fair and the dark, the rich and the poor, were commingled in one common slavery.
Battle of the Rahib
After the expedition against the Afghans, the Sultan turned again towards Hind with his bold warriors, whose greatest pleasure was to be in the saddle, which they regarded as if it were a throne ; and hot winds they looked on as refreshing breezes, and the drinking of dirty water as so much pure wine, being prepared to undergo every kind of privation and annoyance. When he arrived in that country, he granted quarter to all those who submitted, but slew those who opposed him. He obtained a large amount of booty before he reached the river, known by the name of Rahib.2 It was very deep, and its bottom was muddy like tar used for anointing scabby animals, and into it the feet of horses and camels sank deeply, so the men took off their coats of mail and made themselves naked before crossing it.
Puru Jaipal was encamped on the other side of the river, as a measure of security, in consequence of this sudden attack, with
1. The Tarikh-i Alfl adds that the fifth share due to the Saiyids was 150,000 slaves.
2. M. Reinaud observes that 'Utbi does not name the river, but the place where the Raja, had taken up his position was called "Rahib," which means in Arabic "a monk." I translate 'Utbi differently. — See Mem. sur l'Inde, p, 267.
[p.51]: his warriors dusky as night, and his elephants all caparisoned. He showed a determination to resist the passage of the Sultan, but at night he was making preparations to escape down the river. When the Sultan learnt this, from which the weakness of his enemy was apparent, he ordered inflated skins to be prepared, and directed some of his men to swim over on them. Jaipal seeing eight men swimming over to that distant bank, ordered a detachment of his army, accompanied by five elephants, to oppose their landing, but the eight men plied their arrows so vigorously, that the detachment was not able to effect that purpose. When the Sultan witnessed the full success of these men, he ordered all his soldiers who could swim to pass over at once, and promised them henceforward a life of repose after that day of trouble. First his own personal guards crossed this difficult stream, and they were followed by the whole army. Some swam over on skins, some were nearly drowned, but eventually all landed safely ; and praised be God ! not even a hair of their horses tails was hurt,1 nor was any of their property injured.
When they had all reached the opposite bank, the Sultan ordered his men to mount their horses, and charge in such a manner as to put the enemy to flight. Some of the infidels asked for mercy after being wounded, some were taken prisoners, some were killed, and the rest took to flight, and two hundred and seventy gigantic elephants fell into the hands of the Musulmans.2
Extract from the Sharh-i Tarikhi Yamini
The Conquest of Mathura and Kanauj.
Mathura: The proper way of pronouncing this word is " Mah-arrah."
1. Literally " Praise be to God ! their horses tails were not distant." S. de Sacy translates "Les autres en se tenant aux crines de leurs ;chevaux," The Jami' says, " Some swam over near their horses." I have adopted Karimat 'All's as being more appropriate to the introduction of the pious ejaculation " Praised be God !"
2. The Jamiu-t Tawarikh leaves out two hundred. That work and the Yamini are the only two which mention the victory on the Rahib.
[p.52]: Some people say this is the fifth conjugation of " harir," 1 on account of the Hindus chanting their prayers in that city. In some copies it is written " Mahrah," and in others " Mah-harah."
Kanauj : The proper way of pronouncing this word is " Kinnauj," with the last letter but slightly enunciated.
Sihun and Jelam : The last name is spelt " Jailam," it is a city in Hind.
Chinab : The proper way of spelling the word is " Chanduraha " It is the name of a place in the country of Hind.
Ravi : The correct mode of writing this word is " Airan," but in some copies it is written " Iraya."
Biyas : The correct mode of spelling this name is " Yiyat."
Sutlej: This should be written " Shataludr." It is the name of a province in Hind. But I have ascertained from well-in-formed people that it should be " Sataludr," not " Shataludr.'
Janki: This should be written " Chanki," one of the names current in Hind.
Bamhi : This should be written "Sammhi," another name current in Hind.
Jamna : This should be written " Jaun," the name of a river in Hind.
Baran : The mode of writing this name is " Barbah ;" but in some copies it is " Barnah." It is a city among the cities of Hind.
Hardat : This is written " Hurdiz ;" but in some copies it is represented as " Hurdib." --- 1. The real meaning of " harir," is a " a dog's -whine." The derivation of an Indian name from an Arabic root shows the absurd ignorance of the commentator.