I am reproducing an article --Why Jat reservation? By Ajit Kumar singh published in Economic and Political Weekly in April Edition 2012.
Ajit Kumar Singh (aksingh101@frediffmail.com)
is at the Giri Institute of Development Studies,
Lucknow.
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Recently the Jats in Uttar Pradesh (UP) resorted to public protest and blocked rail traffic on the Delhi Lucknow route in support of their demand for reservation in central services. The state government deliberately took no steps to clear the rail tracks till the high court intervened to force the government to take necessary steps in this direction. The Jats have threatened to resume their agita¬tion if their demand is not met in a time bound fashion. To many, the demand of the Jats for reservation did not seem justified, as in the public image they are a prosper¬ous and dominant agricultural caste. A question that needs to be asked in this con¬text is why are increasing number of com-munities resorting to violent agitation for reservation and competing with each other to get the status of a backward class. This article attempts to address this issue.
Roots of the Agitation : The Jats constitute about 2% of country’s population and are spread over several states in north India from Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, UP, Madhya Pradegujash (MP) and Gujarat. There is a larger concentration on Jats in the states of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and western UP. Economically, politically and socially the status of Jats is not the same in all these states. The general eco¬nomic condition of Jats is relatively better in Punjab and Haryana as they have larger landholdings. Religion-wise Jats belong to the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religions. In the brahminical system Jats had an ill-defined status and were put below the upper castes, though not subject to prac¬tices like untouchability. Upper castes still look down upon Jats as a rustic, uncul¬tured and socially backward community. In Rajasthan, which has the largest con¬centration of Jats, they enjoyed a low social status historically, except in the two princely states of Alwar and Bharatpur. They were mainly tenant farmers at the mercy of the Thakur landlords and subject to social dis¬crimination. Rajasthan was the first state to give Jats the Other Backward Classes (OBC) status for reservation. Later, the govern¬ments of Himachal Pradesh, UP and MP also granted OBC status to Jats in their respec¬tive states. The Central Backward Classes Commission, which examined the issue of reservation for Jats in the late 1990s, found the demand of Jats of Rajasthan for reser¬vation to be justified. The commission gave short shrift to the demand for reservation of Jats in UP, without examining the ques¬tion in all its dimensions. Subsequently, on the recommendation of the commission, Jats from Rajasthan were granted reserva¬tion in central services also.
To many the demand of Jats for reser¬vation appears to be unjustified. In common perception, the Jats are regarded as a rich and dominant agricultural class. This is far from reality. The Jats are not a homogeneous community economically across or within states. Moreover, due to successive division of land among sons and the continued stagnation of the agricultural sector the economic condition of Jats has deteriorated substantially over time. The roots of the current agitation can be traced to these changes.
Profile of the Community :- I have carried out a detailed study of 2,000 rural households in five districts of Western UP, namely, Muzaffarnagar, Bulandshahr, Moradabad, Badaun and Mathura. The findings of this study are available in the book Socio-Economic Status of Farming Communities in Northern India (Lucknow 2003). The study ranked 10 social groups and castes in rural western UP in terms of 30 indicators of socio-economic development. A look at the findings of the study would help us in understanding the genesis of the current Jat agitation.
For purpose of illustration, in this arti¬cle I have compared the status of three castes, namely, Jat, Yadava and Gujjar. The sample consists of 409 Jat households, 377 Yadava households and 179 Gujjar house¬holds. In many ways the three castes are similar to each other. Among the three, Yadava and Gujjar are generally accepted as belonging to backward castes. They were given reservation in UP government serv¬ices much earlier. It was only the BJP gov¬ernment led by Ram Prakash Gupta which extended reservation to Jats. Many felt that Jats did not deserve this status. In fact, a sizeable section of relatively well-off Jats also were not happy with their inclusion in the OBC category, which hurt their pride.
However, as our study has shown that there are no significant differences in the socio-economic status of the three commu¬nities. In fact, in many respects Jats compare unfavourably with the other two castes. A few facts taken out from the above study will come as a surprise to many not well aware of the present ground reality.
Educationally all the three communities are backward. About half of the Yadava and one-third of Jat and Gujjar household members are illiterate. Very few are able to go up to the graduate level or above. In this respect, the Yadavas are better placed with 3.7% family members with education up to graduate level and above. The corresponding proportion was 2.5% for Gujjars and 1.9% for Jats. Female illit¬eracy was also very high in all the three communities, varying from 43.6% for Jats, 52.3% for Gujjars and 63% of Yadavas.
All the three communities depend mainly on agriculture and animal husbandry as their main occupation. Yadava and Gujjar communities were the main beneficiary of Zamindari abolition and acquired land rights over substantial areas, which they earlier cultivated as tenants. This led to their economic and educational develop¬ment over time. However, with continuous subdivision of landholdings among all the sons under the prevailing law of inheritance, the average size of landholdings have been declining over time. The average size of holding in case of Gujjars, in our sample, was 4.1 acre. The average holding of Jat households was lower at 3.4 acres and that of Yadava still lower at 3 acres. Almost one half of the holdings, in the case of Jat households and about two-thirds in the case of Yadava households were below 2.5 acres. The position of Gujjars is better, as far as ownership of land is concerned as compared to the other two communities. With such a small size of landholdings, it is no longer possible for the rural house¬holds to live a decent life as farmers. The problem has been further aggravated by stagnation of agriculture during last two decades and declining profitability of agri¬culture due to the rising cost of inputs.
The average household income from agriculture per household in our sample was Rs 17,739, Rs 14,860 and Rs 12,934 for Jat, Gujjar and Yadava households, respectively. Yadava households also earn much higher income from non-agricultural activities like animal husbandry and busi¬ness. Total household income is lowest for Jat households (Rs 31,202) and highest for Yadava households (Rs 37,478), with Gujjar households falling in the middle (Rs 32,954). This comes to a monthly income per household of barely Rs 2,500 to Rs 3,000. Thus, the average income of the so-called rich agricultural class is less than that of a class IV employee of the state government. In annual per capita income Yadava (Rs 6,514) and Gujjar (Rs 6,482) households enjoy higher in-come as compared to the Jat households (Rs 5,849). Thus, most of the households of these three communities fall below the poverty line of one dollar per capita per day expenditure.
Yadava and Gujjar in UP got the status of backward class much earlier and were thus in a better position to benefit from reservation. In our survey only 1.82% of the Jats were in government service, mostly in lower cadres. The corresponding figures for Gujjar and Yadava workers were 1.72% and 2.99% respectively. In the category of private service too the proportion of Yadava and Gujjars was higher at 2.32% and 1.7% as compared to only 1.3% for Jats.
Thus, with a shrinking economic base in agriculture the rural communities, in¬cluding Jats, are looking for other job ave¬nues. Reservation in government services is one of the ways in which these aspirations are fulfilled. When a community feels that other communities in their region who are economically and socially in similar con¬ditions are getting the benefits of reserva¬tion, they also claim for the same status. Those among Jats who have got educated and obtained a government job also lend support to this demand to ensure that their sons and daughters are not discrimi¬nated in the labour market.
Continued.................